Humor

The philosophical study of humor has been focused on the development
of a satisfactory definition of humor, which until recently has been
treated as roughly co-extensive with laughter. The main task is to
develop an adequate theory of just what humor is.

According to the standard analysis, humor theories can be classified
into three neatly identifiable groups:incongruity, superiority, and
relief theories. Incongruity theory is the leading approach and
includes historical figures such as Immanuel Kant, Søren Kierkegaard,
and perhaps has its origins in comments made by Aristotle in the
Rhetoric. Primarily focusing on the object of humor, this school sees
humor as a response to an incongruity, a term broadly used to include
ambiguity, logical impossibility, irrelevance, and inappropriateness.
The paradigmatic Superiority theorist is Thomas Hobbes, who said that
humor arises from a "sudden glory" felt when we recognize our
supremacy over others. Plato and Aristotle are generally considered
superiority theorists, who emphasize the aggressive feelings that fuel
humor. The third group, Relief theory, is typically associated with
Sigmund Freud and Herbert Spencer, who saw humor as fundamentally a
way to release or save energy generated by repression. In addition,
this article will explore a fourth group of theories of humor: play
theory. Play theorists are not so much listing necessary conditions
for something's counting as humor, as they are asking us to look at
humor as an extension of animal play.

While the task of defining humor is a seemingly simple one, it has
proven quite difficult. Each theory attempts to provide a
characterization of what is at least at the core of humor. However,
these theories are not necessarily competing; they may be seen as
simply focusing on different aspects of humor, treating certain
aspects as more fundamental than others.

1. What is Humor?

Almost every major figure in the history of philosophy has proposed a
theory, but after 2500 years of discussion there has been little
consensus about what constitutes humor. Despite the number of thinkers
who have participated in the debate, the topic of humor is currently
understudied in the discipline of philosophy. There are only a few
philosophers currently focused on humor-related research, which is
most likely due to two factors: the problems in the field have proved
incredibly difficult, inviting repeated failures, and the subject is
erroneously dismissed as an insignificant concern. Nevertheless, scope
and significance of the study of humor is reflected in the
interdisciplinary nature of the filed, which draws insights from
philosophy, psychology, sociology, anthropology, film, and literature.
It is rare to find a philosophical topic that bares such direct
relevance to our daily lives, our social interactions, and our nature
as humans.
a. Humor, Laughter, Comedy, and the Holy Grail

The majority of the work on humor has been occupied with the following
foundational question: What is humor? The word "humor" itself is of
relatively recent origin. According to the Oxford English Dictionary,
it arose during the 17th century out of psycho-physiological
scientific speculation on the effects of various humors that might
affect a person's temperament. Much of the earlier humor research is
riddled with equivocations between humor and laughter, and the problem
continues into recent discussions. John Dewey states one reason to
make the distinction: "The laugh is by no means to be viewed from the
standpoint of humor; its connection with humor is only secondary. It
marks the ending [. . .] of a period of suspense, or expectation, all
ending which is sharp and secondary" (John Dewey, 558). We laugh for a
variety of reasons—hearing a funny joke, inhaling laughing gas, being
tickled—not all of which result from what we think of as humor.
Attempting to offer a general theory of laughter and humor, John
Morreall (manuscript) makes a finer distinction: laughter results from
a pleasant psychological shift, whereas, humor arises from a pleasant
cognitive shift. Noting the predominance of non-humorous laughter,
researcher Robert Provine (2000) argues that laughter is most often
found in non-humorous social interactions, deployed as some sort of
tension relief mechanism. If humor is not a necessary condition of
laughter, then we might ask if it is sufficient. Often humor will
produce laughter, but sometimes it results in only a smile. Obviously,
these relatively distinct phenomena are intimately connected in some
manner, but to understand the relationship we need clearer notions of
both laugher and humor.

Laughter is a fairly well described physiological process that results
in a limited range of characteristic vocal patterns that are only
physiologically possible, as Provine suggests, for bi-pedal creatures
with breath control. If we describe humorous laughter as laughter in
response to humor, then we must answer the question, What is humor?
This topic will be explored in the next few sections, but for
starters, we can say that humor or amusement is widely regarded as a
response to a certain kind of stimulus. The comic, on the other hand,
is best described as a professionally produced source of humor, a
generic element of various artforms. In distinguishing between
humorous and non-humorous laughter we presuppose a working definition
of humor, based partly on the character of our response and partly on
the properties of humorous objects. This is not necessarily to beg the
question about what is humor, but to enter into the real world process
of correctively developing a definition. The first goal of a humor
theory is to look for the basis of our practical ability to identify
humor.

Most definitions of humor are essentialist in that they try to list
the necessary and sufficient conditions something must meet in order
to be counted as humor. Some theories isolate a common element
supposedly found in all humor, but hold back from making claims about
the sufficient conditions. Many theorists seem to confuse offering the
necessary conditions for a response to count as humor with explaining
why we find one thing funny rather than another. This second question,
what would be sufficient for an object to be found funny, is the Holy
Grail of humor studies, and must be kept distinct from the goals of a
definition of the humor response. The Holy Grail is often confused
with a question regarding the sufficient conditions for our response
to count as humorous amusement, but a crucial distinction needs to be
made: identifying the conditions of a response is different from the
isolating the features something must possess in order to provoke such
a response. The first task is much different from suggesting what
features are sufficient to provoke a response of humorous amusement.
What amounts to a humor response is different from what makes
something humorous. The noun (humor) and adjectival (humorous) senses
of the term are difficult to keep distinct due to the imprecision of
our language in this area. Much of the dissatisfaction with
traditional humor theories can be traced back to an equivocation
between these two senses of the term.
b. Problems Classifying Theorists

The standard analysis, developed by D. H. Monro, that classifies humor
theories into superiority, incongruity, and relief theories sets up a
false expectation of genuine competition between the views. Rarely do
any of the historical theorists in any of these schools state their
theories as listing necessary of sufficient conditions for something
to count as humor, much less put their views in competition with
others. A further problem concerns just what the something is that
might be called humor. Some theories address the object of humor,
whereas others are concerned primarily with the characteristics of the
response, and other theories discuss both.

The popular reduction of humor theories into three groups—Incongruity,
Relief, and Superiority theories—is an over simplification. Several
scholars have identified over 100 types of humor theories, and
Patricia Keith-Spiegel's classification of humor theories into 8 major
types (biological, superiority, incongruity, surprise, ambivalence,
release, configuration, and psychoanalytic theories) has been fairly
influential. Jim Lyttle suggests that, based on the question they are
primarily addressing humor, theories can be classified into 3
different groups. He argues that, depending on their focus, humor
theories can be grouped under these categories: functional, stimuli,
and response theories. (1) Functional theories of humor ask what
purpose humor has in human life. (2) Stimuli theories ask what makes a
particular thing funny. (3)Response theorists ask why we find things
funny. A better way to phrase this concern is to say that response
theorists ask what is particular about feelings of humor.

A little probing shows that Lyttle's grouping is strained, since many
of the humor theories address more than one of these questions, and an
answer to one often involves an answer to the other questions. For
instance, though focused on the function of humor, relief theories
often have something to say about all three questions: humor serves as
a tension release mechanism, the content often concerns the subject of
repressed desires, and finding these funny involves a feeling of
relief.

Regardless of the classificatory scheme, when analyzing the tradition
of humor theories we need to consider how each of the traditionally
defined schools answers the major questions that occupy the bulk of
the discussion. The primary questions of humor theory include:

1. Humor question: What is humor?

(An answer to this question often entails answers to questions
regarding the object and the response. This is the central question of
any humor theory.)

2. Object Feature Questions:

1. Are there any features frequently found in what is found funny?
2. Are there any features necessary for something to have in order
to be found funny?
3. Are there any features that by themselves or considered jointly
are sufficient for something to be found funny? (Answering this
question affirmatively would amount to discovering the holy grail of
humor theory.)

3. Response Question: Is there anything psychologically or cognitively
distinctive or characteristic about finding something funny?

4. Laughter Question: How is humor related to laughter?

Given this list, we may ask what would a theory of humor amount to? To
count as a humor theory and not just an approach to humor, a theory
must attempt an answer to Question 1—What is humor? Like the relief
theories, most humor theorists do not attempt to answer this question
head on, but discuss some important or necessary characteristics of
humor. Since the various theories of humor are addressing different
sets of questions within this cluster as well as related question in
the general study of humor, it is often difficult to put them in
competition with each other. Accepting this limitation, we can proceed
to explore a few of the major humor theories listed in the widely
influential standard analysis.
2. Theories of Humor
a. Superiority Theory

We can give two forms to the claims of the superiority theory of
humor: (1) the strong claim holds that all humor involves a feeling of
superiority, and (2) the weak claim suggests that feelings of
superiority are frequently found in many cases of humor. It is not
clear that many superiority theorists would hold to the strong claim
if pressed, but we will evaluate as a necessary condition nonetheless.

Neither Plato nor Aristotle makes clear pronouncements about the
essence of humor, though their comments are preoccupied with the role
of feelings of superiority in our finding something funny. In the
"Philebus," Plato tries to expose the "mixture of pleasure and pain
that lies in the malice of amusement." He argues that ignorance is a
misfortune that when found in the weak is considered ridiculous. In
comedy, we take malicious pleasure from the ridiculous, mixing
pleasure with a pain of the soul. Some of Aristotle's brief comments
in the Poetics corroborate Plato's view of the pleasure had from
comedy. Tragedy deals with subjects who are average or better than
average; however, in comedy we look down upon the characters, since it
presents subjects of lesser virtue than, or "who are inferior to," the
audience. The "ludicrous," according to Aristotle, is "that is a
failing or a piece of ugliness which causes no pain of destruction"
(Poetics, sections 3 and 7). Going beyond the subject of comedy, in
the Rhetoric (II, 12) Aristotle defines wit as "educated insolence,"
and in the Nicomachean Ethics (IV, 8) he describes jokes as "a kind of
abuse" which should ideally be told without producing pain. Rather
than clearly offering a superiority theory of humor, Plato and
Aristotle focus on this common comic feature, bringing it to our
attention for ethical considerations.

Thomas Hobbes developed the most well known version of the Superiority
theory. Giving emphatic expression to the idea, Hobbes says "that the
passion of laughter is nothing else but sudden glory arising from some
sudden conception of some eminency in ourselves, by comparison with
the infirmity of others, or with our own formerly" (Human Nature, ch.
8). Motivated by the literary conceit of the laugh of triumph,
Hobbes's expression the superiority theory looks like more of a theory
of laughter than a theory of humor. Charles Baudelaire (1956) offers
an interesting variation on Hobbes' superiority theory, mixing it with
mortal inferiority. He argues that that "laughter is satanic"—an
expression of dominance over animals and a frustrated complaint
against our being merely mortal.

Critically reversing the superiority theory, Robert Solomon (2002)
offers an inferiority theory of humor. He thinks that self-recognition
in the silly antics and self-deprecating behavior of the Three Stooges
is characteristic of a source of humor based in inferiority or
modesty. Rather than comparing our current with our former inferior
selves, Solomon sees the ability to not take yourself seriously, or to
see yourself as less than ideal, as a source of virtuous modesty and
compassion. Solomon's analysis of the Three Stooges is not a
full-blown theory of humor, in that it does not make any
pronouncements about the necessary or sufficient conditions of humor;
however, it is a theory of humor in the sense that it suggests a
possible source of humor or what humor can be and how it might
function.

Solomon's inferiority theory of humor raises a central objection
against the Superiority theory, namely, that a feeling of superiority
is not a necessary condition of humor. Morreall offers several
examples, such as finding a bowling ball in his refrigerator, that
could be found funny, but do not clearly involve superiority. If
feelings of superiority are not necessary for humor, are they
sufficient? Undoubtedly, this is not the case. As an 18th century
critic of Hobbes, Francis Hutcheson, points out, we can feel superior
to lots of things, dogs, cats, trees, etc, without being amused: "some
ingenuity in dogs and monkeys, which comes near to some of our own
arts, very often makes us merry; whereas their duller actions, in
which the are much below us, are no matter of jest at all" (p. 29).
However, if we evaluate the weaker version of the superiority
theory—that humor is often fueled by feelings of superiority—then we
have a fairly well supported empirical claim, easily confirmable by
first hand observation.
b. Relief Theory

Relief theories attempt to describe humor along the lines of a
tension-release model. Rather than defining humor, they discuss the
essential structures and psychological processes that produce
laughter. The two most prominent relief theorists are Herbert Spencer
and Sigmund Freud. We can consider two version of the relief theory:
(1) the strong version holds that all laughter results from a release
of excessive energy; (2) the weak version claims that it is often the
case that humorous laughter involves a release of tension or energy.
Freud develops a more specific description of the energy transfer
mechanism, but the process he describes is not essential to the basic
claims of the relief theory of humor.

In "The Physiology of Laughter" (1860), Spencer develops a theory of
laughter that is intimately related to his "hydraulic" theory of
nervous energy, whereby excitement and mental agitation produces
energy that "must expend itself in some way or another." He argues
that "nervous excitation always tends to beget muscular motion." As a
form of physical movement, laughter can serve as the expressive route
of various forms of nervous energy. Spencer did not see his theory as
a competitor to the incongruity theory of humor; rather, he tried to
explain why it is that a certain mental agitation arising from a
"descending incongruity" results in this characteristically
purposeless physical movement. Spencer never satisfactorily answers
this specific question, but he presents the basic idea that laughter
serves to release pent up energy.

One criticism of Spencer's theory of energy relief is that it does not
seem to describe most cases of humor that occur quickly. Many
instances of jokes, witticisms, and cartoons do not seem to involve a
build up of energy that is then released. Perhaps Spencer thinks that
the best explanation for laughter, an otherwise purposeless
expenditure of energy, must be that it relieves energy produced from
humor. However, since most of our experiences of humor do not seem to
involve an energy build up, and humor does not seem forthcoming when
we are generally agitated, a better explanation might be that laughter
is not as purposeless as it seems or that all expenditures of energy,
purposeful or not, need involve a build up.

Spencer might reply that everyone is continuously building up energy
simply through the process of managing everyday stress. As such, most
people have excess energy, a form of energy potential, waiting to be
released by humor. For example, one often hears it said that humor
allows one to "blow off steam" after a stressful day at work. The
problem with this line of argument is that those who are most
"stressed out" seem the least receptive to humor. Not only do attempts
at humor frequently fall flat on the hurried, the amusement that
results is typically minimal. Perhaps Spencer could argue that at a
certain threshold the pent up energy jams the gates such that humor is
unable to provide a release. This line of defense might be plausible,
but the tension release theory starts to look a bit ad hoc when you
have to posit things such as jammed energy release gates and the like.

In Jokes and Their Relation to the Unconscious (1905), Freud develops
a more fine grained version of the relief theory of laughter, that
amounts to a restatement of Spencer's theory with the addition of a
new process. He describes three different sources of laughter—joking,
the comic, and humor—which all involve the saving of some psychic
energy that is then discharged through laughter. In joking, the energy
that would have been used to repress sexual and hostile feelings is
saved and can be released in laughter. In the comic, cognitive energy
to be used to solve an intellectual challenge is left over and can be
released. The humorous involves a saving of emotional energy, since
what might have been an emotion provoking situation turns out to be
something we should treat non-seriously. The energy building up for
the serious emotional reaction can then be released.

The details of Freud's discussions of the process of energy saving,
are widely regarded as problematic. His notion of energy saving is
unclear, since it is not clear what sense it makes to say that energy
which is never called upon is saved, rather than saying that no energy
was expended. Take his theory of jokes, where the energy that
otherwise would have been used to repress a desire is saved by joking
which allows for aggression to be released. John Morreall and Noel
Carroll make a similar criticism of this theory of energy management.
We may have an idea of what it is like to express pent up energy, but
we have no notion of what it would be to release energy that is used
to repress a desire. Beyond the claim of queerness, this theory of
joking does not result in the expected empirical observations. On
Freud's explanation, the most inhibited and repressed people would
seem to enjoy joking the most, though the opposite is the case.

Relief theories of laughter do not furnish us a way to distinguish
humorous from non-humorous laughter. Freud's saved energy is
perceptually indistinguishable with other forms of energy. As we saw
with Spencer, Relief theories must be saddled to another theory of
humor. Freud's attempt to explain why we laugh is also an effort to
explain why we find certain tendentious jokes especially funny, though
it is not clear what he is getting at in his account of the saving of
energy. He commits the fundamental mistake of relief theorists—they
erroneously assume that since mental energy often finds release in
physical movement, any physical movement must be explainable by an
excess of nervous energy.
c. Incongruity Theory

The incongruity theory is the reigning theory of humor, since it seems
to account for most cases of perceived funniness, which is partly
because "incongruity" is something of an umbrella term. Most
developments of the incongruity theory only try to list a necessary
condition for humor—the perception of an incongruity—and they stop
short of offering the sufficient conditions.

In the Rhetoric (III, 2), Aristotle presents the earliest glimmer of
an incongruity theory of humor, finding that the best way to get an
audience to laugh is to setup an expectation and deliver something
"that gives a twist." After discussing the power of metaphors to
produce a surprise in the hearer, Aristotle says that "[t]he effect is
produced even by jokes depending upon changes of the letters of a
word; this too is a surprise. You find this in verse as well as in
prose. The word which comes is not what the hearer imagined." These
remarks sound like a surprise theory of humor, similar to that later
offered by René Descartes, but Aristotle continues to explain how the
surprise must somehow "fit the facts," or as we might put it today,
the incongruity must be capable of a resolution.

In the Critique of Judgment, Immanuel Kant gives a clearer statement
of the role of incongruity in humor: "In everything that is to excite
a lively laugh there must be something absurd (in which the
understanding, therefore, can find no satisfaction). Laughter is an
affection arising from the sudden transformation of a strained
expectation into nothing" (I, I, 54).

Arthur Schopenhauer offers a more specific version of the incongruity
theory, arguing that humor arising from a failure of a concept to
account for an object of thought. When the particular outstrips the
general, we are faced with an incongruity. Schopenhauer also
emphasizes the element of surprise, saying that "the greater and more
unexpected [. . .] this incongruity is, the more violent will be his
laughter" (1818, I, Sec. 13).

As stated by Kant and Schopenhauer, the incongruity theory of humor
specifies a necessary condition of the object of humor. Focusing on
the humorous object, leaves something out of the analysis of humor,
since there are many kinds of things that are incongruous which do not
produce amusement. A more robust statement of the incongruity theory
would need to include the pleasurable response one has to humorous
objects. John Morreall attempts to find sufficient conditions for
identifying humor by focusing on our response. He defines humorous
amusement as taking pleasure in a cognitive shift. The incongruity
theory can be stated as a response focused theory, claiming that humor
is a certain kind of reaction had to perceived incongruity.

Henri Bergson's essay "Laughter" (1980) is perhaps the one of the most
influential and sophisticated theories of humor. Bergson's theory of
humor is not easily classifiable, since it has elements of superiority
and incongruity theories. In a famous phrase, Bergson argues that the
source of humor is the "mechanical encrusted upon the living" (p. 84)
According to Bergson "the comic does not exist outside of what is
strictly human." He thinks that humor involve an incongruous
relationship between human intelligence and habitual or mechanical
behaviors. As such, humor serves as a social corrective, helping
people recognize behaviors that are inhospitable to human flourishing.
A large source of the comic is in recognizing our superiority over the
subhuman. Anything that threatens to reduce a person to an
object—either animal or mechanical—is prime material for humor. No
doubt, Bergson's theory accounts for much of physical comedy and
bodily humor, but he seems to over-estimate the necessity of
mechanical encrustation. It is difficult to see how his theory can
accommodate most jokes and sources of humor coming from wit.

Three major criticisms of the incongruity theory are that it is too
broad to be very meaningful, it is insufficiently explanatory in that
it does not distinguish between non-humorous incongruity and basic
incongruity, and that revised versions still fail to explain why some
things, rather than others, are funny. We have already addressed the
third criticism: it confuses the object of humor with the response.
What is at issue is the definition of humor, or how to identify humor,
not how to create a humor-generating algorithm. The incongruity
theorist has a response to this criticism as well, since they can
claim that humor is pleasure in incongruity.
d. Play Theories

Describing play theories of humor as an independent school or approach
might overstate their relative importance, although they do serve as a
good representative of theories focused on the functional question. By
looking at the contextual characteristic, play theories try to
classify humor as a species of play. In this general categorization
effort, the play theorists are not so much listing necessary
conditions, as they are asking us to look at humor as an extension of
animal play. They try to call our attention to the structural
similarities between play contexts and humorous context, to suggest
that what might be true of play, might be true of humor as well.

Play theorists often take an ethological approach to studying humor,
tracing it back through evolutionary development. They look at
laughter triggers like tickling, that are found in other species, to
suggest that in humor ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny. In The
Enjoyment of Laughter (1936), Max Eastman develops a play theory of
humor with an adaptive story. He thinks we can find analogies of humor
in the behavior of animals, especially in the proto-laughter of chimps
to tickling. He goes so far as to argue that the wagging tail of a
happy dog is a form of humorous laughter, since Eastman wants to
broaden the definition of laughter to encompass other rhythmic
responses to pleasure. Speaking more specifically of humor, he argues
that "we come into the world endowed with an instinctive tendency to
laugh and have this feeling in response to pains presented playfully"
(p. 45). On Eastman's account, what is central to humor and play is
that both require taking a disinterested attitude towards what might
otherwise be seen as serious.

Eastman considers humor to be a form of play, because humor involves a
disinterested stance, certain kinds of humor involve mock aggression
and insults, and because some forms of play activities result in
humorous amusement. Since Eastman defines play as the adoption of this
disinterested attitude, humor would count as a form of play on his
definition, but this seems both too restrictive and too vague to serve
as an adequate definition of play. In Homo Ludens (1938), Johan
Huizinga criticizes identifying play with laughter or the comic.
Though both seem to involve "the opposite of seriousness," there are
crucial asymmetries. Laughter, he argues, is particular to humans,
whereas, play is found in other mammals and birds. Also, if we allow
for certain types of competitive play, then a non-serious attitude is
not essential to play, as it seems to be for humor. Identifying the
comic, or humor, with play is problematic, since "in itself play is
not comical for either for the player or public" (1938, p. 6).
Huizinga questions whether humor and play share any necessary
conditions, a requirement of the relationship if humor is a subtype of
play. This will, of course, depend on how we describe humor and play,
two equally elusive notions.

Play theorists are primarily concerned with the problem of determining
the function of humor in order to explain how it might have adaptive
value, a task taken up by other biological theories of humor. They
argue that similarities between play and humor suggest that the
adaptive value of play might be similar to that of humor. Other
researchers focused on the functional questions have described humor
as having value in cognitive development, social skill learning,
tension relief, empathy management, immune system benefits, stress
relief, and social bonding. Though these questions are primarily
addressed by psychologists, sociologist, anthropologists, and medical
researchers, their studies rely on and contribute to an evolving
notion of just what counts as humor. Though the functional question is
foremost in these theories, play theory tries to give humor a genus by
offering some differentiating characteristics, essential to humor.
e. Summary of Humor Theories

We discussed four different schools of humor theories and noted how
each reveals aspects common, if not necessary, to humor. Presenting
these theories as rivals is misleading since, as we have seen,
theorists in each classification focus on different problems and may
draw upon the answers to different questions from another school. For
instance, while focusing on why we find something funny, Spencer
offers a functional explanation and relies on the answer incongruity
theorists give to the question of what we find funny. Relief theories
and Play theories tend to focus on the function humor serves in human
life, though the functional question cannot be separated from
characterizing amusement, or the humor response. Superiority theorists
tend to focus on what feelings are necessary for there to be humor, or
why we find some things funny. Incongruity theories have the most to
say about the object of humor, though variants identify humor with the
way we respond to a perceived incongruity. Though the functional,
stimuli, and response questions are not neatly separated, the
differing schools tend to assume that one question is more basic than
the others.
3. References and Further Reading

* Audi, Robert (1994). "Dispositional Beliefs and Dispositions to
Believe." Nous 28 (4), pp. 419-434.
* Bateson, Gregory (2000). Steps to an Ecology of Mind. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
* Baudelaire, Charles (1956). "The Essence of Laughter and More
Especially of the Comic in Plastic Arts." Trans. Gerald Hopkins. In
The Essence of Laughter and other Essays, Journals, and Letters, ed.
Peter Qeennell. New York: Meridian Books.
* Bergson, Henri (1980). "Laughter." Trans. Wylie Sypher, in
Comedy, eds. Wylie Sypher. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
* Berman, Merrie (1986). "How Many Feminists Does It Take To Make
A Joke? Sexist Humor and What's Wrong With It." Hypatia, vol. 1, no.
1, Spring, pp. 63-82.
* Caplow, Theodore (1968). Two Against One: Coalitions in Triads.
Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall.
* Carroll, Noel, ed. (2001a). Beyond Aesthetics: Philosophical
Essays. New York: Cambridge University Press.
* Carroll, Noel (2001b). "Horror and Humor" in Carroll (2001a), pp. 235-253.
* Carroll, Noel (2001c). "Moderate Moralism" in Carroll (2001a),
pp. 293- 306.
* Carroll, Noel (2001d). "On Jokes" in Carroll (2001), pp. 317-334.
* Carroll, Noel (1996). "Notes on the Sight Gag" in Noel Carroll
Theorizing the Moving Image. New York, Cambridge Univesrity Press.
* Carroll, Noel (1997). "Words, Images, and Laughter." Persistence
of Vision, no. 14, pp. 42-52.
* Chapman, A. J., & Foot, H. C., eds. (1976). Humour and laughter:
Theory, research, and applications. London: John Wiley & Sons.
* Cohen, Ted (1999). Jokes: Philosophical Perspectives on Laughing
Matters. Chicago: Chicago Univesrity Press.
* Critchley, Simon (2002). On Humour. New York: Routledge.
* De Sousa, Ronald (1987). "When is it Wrong to Laugh?" Ch. 11 of
The Rationality of Emotion. Cambridge, MIT.
* Descartes, René. (1649/1987). Les Passions de L'ame. Paris.
Excerpts in Morreall.
* Dundes, Alan (1987). Cracking Jokes: Studies of Sick Humor
Cycles and Stereotypes. Berkeley: Ten Speed Press.
* Dwyer, Tom (1991). "Humor, Power, and Change in organizations."
Human Relations, vol. 44, no. 1, pp. 1-19.
* Eastman, Max (1936). Enjoyment of Laughter. New York: Halcyon House.
* Eitzen, Dirk (2000). "Comedy and Classicism." Film Theory and
Philosophy. Eds. Richard Allen and Murray Smith. New York: Oxford
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