famous "Sixth Patriarch" of the Chan or meditation tradition, which is
better known in Japanese as "Zen"). The focus of an immense body of
lore that grew over the centuries, Huineng's life mirrors the fortunes
of Chan itself – a provincial Chinese version of Buddhism that rose to
become a major religious and cultural force throughout East Asia.
Tradition holds that Huineng was an uncouth "barbarian" youth who,
because of his innate intuitive insight, surpassed his more cultured
fellow monks to earn the official "dharma seal" certifying the
authoritative transmission of Buddhist enlightenment, and thereby
earning a lasting place in history. He is intimately associated with
the Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch, one of the most influential
texts in all of Chinese Buddhism. Alleged to be a sermon from the lips
of Huineng himself, this text provides a gripping first person account
of the Master's life. Its cryptic, yet insightful, discussion of Chan
practice lays out the central concerns of Chan cultivation. Huineng's
discussion of the themes of inherent enlightenment, sudden awakening,
and the non-dual nature of wisdom (Sanskrit: prajna) and meditation
(Sanskrit: dhyana) resounds through later generations of Chan
teachers, and continues to pose difficult philosophical challenges to
this day.
1. Chan Buddhism in ContextIt is impossible to disentangle Huineng
from the story of early Chan. Indeed, it is in sections 49-51 of the
Platform Sutra that Huineng lays out the classic story of Chan's
origins. According to this account, Chan began with the historical
Buddha, Sakyamuni, and his famous "Flower Sermon." One day the Buddha
took his seat before his assembled monks and, instead of speaking,
remained silent while holding a single flower aloft in his hand. Of
those assembled, only one disciple Mahakashyapa (Sanskrit: "Great
Kashyapa"), understood the meaning of the Buddha's actions. The Buddha
publicly recognized Mahakashyapa's realization and he, in turn, passed
the wordless teaching along to his disciples. Eventually the
transmission passed to a certain Bodhidharma (c. 470-553 CE), the
infamous "First Patriarch," who, it is said, brought Chan to southern
China, crossing the Yangzi (Yangtze) River on a reed. Recent
scholarship has established that a mysterious figure named Bodhidharma
was indeed in southern China in the fifth century proclaiming
teachings based on the Lankavatara Sutra as well as a simplified but
powerful form of dhyana. After his death his disciples carried on his
teachings, but most of them never founded lasting lineages. Eventually
these teachings were transmitted to Hongren (600-674), the Fifth
Patriarch, who taught at Dongshan. Hongren had a number of disciples
who spread out through China, establishing their own schools where
they taught their own versions of Chan. Some died out but a few
flourished, going on to record their histories to establish their
particular pedigrees.
Often dubbed "the meditation school," Chan derives its name from the
Chinese term channa, an attempted transliteration of the Sanskrit term
dhyana (meditation, concentration). In Japan, it is known as Zen; in
Korea, as Son; and in Vietnam, as Thien. In India, dhyana encompassed
a wide variety of techniques for training the mind to attain the deep
insight into reality necessary for awakening. When Buddhism began
making inroads into China in the first and second centuries CE,
missionaries brought these techniques with them. Dhyana study proved
popular in some circles – in part because of its resemblance to Daoist
meditation practices – but it was just one practice alongside of
others, such as sutra study, devotional rituals and the performance of
charitable works. Only later did Chan become a self-conscious movement
with a firm institutional base.
By the sixth century, certain monasteries in the mountainous areas of
central and southwestern China became known as places reserved for
intense meditation training. The masters at these centers taught
methods so powerful that it was rumored that those willing to
persevere could awaken in this very life. As time went on several of
these meditation masters gained loyal followings and tales of them
spread as their disciples established their own monasteries. It was
out of this context that Chan as a distinct school (zong, "lineage")
and the legend of its most famous master arose. Modern scholars now
agree that many of the stories surrounding Huineng are "mythical"
reconstructions and elaborations by later generations of Chan writers.
Nonetheless, this mythology tells us a lot about how Chan came to
conceive itself as a distinct tradition, at once radically innovative
and deeply conservative. This Chan self-conception finds its best
articulation in a poem attributed to Bodhidharma, according to which
Chan is "a separate transmission outside the scriptures, not relying
on words and phrases, directly transmitted from mind to mind." Such
transmission can only occur within the relationship between Master and
student; hence, the Master, and the connection to him, is of paramount
importance in all Chan schools.
2. Biography
As with many legendary figures, it is difficult to sort fact from
fiction when it comes to Huineng. We have many sources of information
on him but most were written long after his lifetime. Most scholars of
Buddhism now consider the story of Huineng's life and his role in
establishing Chan as a direct line going back to Sakyamuni (the
historical Buddha, ca. 6th to 5th centuries BCE) to be little more
than pious fiction. While there may be a kernel of historical truth to
them, all of the accounts of Huineng's life (particularly as recorded
in the Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch) show evidence of later
expansion and elaboration. In fact, scholars cannot even agree on the
location of Dafan, the temple in which Huineng allegedly recited the
Platform Sutra.
The earliest mention of Huineng comes from an inscription for a
memorial pagoda in Faxing monastery dated 676. The pagoda was said to
commemorate Huineng's meeting with master Yinzong (627-713), a devotee
of the Nirvana Sutra and a renowned master of monastic discipline
(vinaya), and the ceremony in which Huineng underwent monastic
tonsure, that is, shaving of part of the head. Unfortunately, the
actual inscription has not been preserved and so many historians deem
it unreliable. The only other record dating back to Huineng's lifetime
just lists him as a student of the Chan master Hongren (Hong-jen).
Later records, of which there are many, probably bear little
resemblance to real historical events, and actually contradict each
other on certain details. Later traditions concerning Huineng vary
tremendously. He seems to go into hiding for several years only to
reappear in Nanhai at a monastery presided over by Yinzong. One day
after the Master had finished a lecture, Huineng overheard two monks
arguing over whether the temple flag or the wind was moving. Huineng
abruptly injected himself into this discussion, declaring that in fact
it was mind that was moving. Hearing of this, Yinzong sent for Huineng
and, bowing to him, asked to be taught the dharma of Hongren. It was
Yinzong who oversaw the giving of the tonsure to Huineng, the incident
memorialized in the inscription mentioned above. Eventually most
accounts of Huineng's life have him retiring to the Baolin temple.
Some traditions speak of Huineng being summoned to the imperial
capital by the emperor Zhongzong or possibly the empress Wu Zhao (ca.
625-706). In any case, Huineng declined, preferring to spend his days
in the mountains and forests preaching the dharma. He did, however,
give the imperial envoy a dharma talk that jolted the messenger into
an intense sudden realization. Returning to the capital the envoy
reported his experience to the emperor who issued an edict praising
Huineng and bestowing special gifts upon him.
Our major source for information on Huineng is the autobiographical
portion (sections 2-11) of the Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch,
an immensely complicated text that has undergone numerous revisions
over the centuries. Purporting to be a series of sermons delivered by
Huineng from a high seat in the lecture hall (the "platform" alluded
to in the title) of Dafan Temple, this text remains the only Chinese
Buddhist discourse to be accorded sutra (Sanskrit: "scriptural")
status. The earliest extant copy of this sutra, found in a cache of
writings discovered in the Dunhuang (Tun-huang) caves in northwestern
China, dates to around 850 but it is corrupt and full of errors –
probably the result of being copied from an earlier version by a
semiliterate scribe. The first section of the text names Fahai, a
student of Huineng's, as transcribing the sermon at the behest of the
district governor. Elsewhere the text names Fahai as one of the
Master's ten disciples and "chief monk" of the community. However,
Fahai does not appear anywhere else in Chan literature and his exact
identity remains unknown. Some scholars suggest the sutra was actually
written by a later Chan monk from a different school (possibly the
Niutou or "Ox-head" school) around the year 780.
While most scholars do not put much stock in either the Platform Sutra
or the other sources on Huineng's life, we can still use them to piece
together something of a biography for him. It seems his family name
was Lu and his father had been a minor official who was banished to
the provinces where he died when his son was only three. His mother
took him to southern China and raised him in extreme poverty. Huineng
worked throughout his childhood to support his family by cutting wood.
One day when he was a young man, he overheard a man reciting a phrase
from the Diamond Sutra and at once he experienced an initial
awakening. With his mother's permission he left home and devoted
himself to religious life.
Huineng spent his next years wandering, ending up with a Buddhist nun
who was devoted to the Nirvana Sutra. After reciting passages from it
one day she asked him to take a turn reading it aloud only to find
that he was illiterate. Incredulous, she asked how he intended to
learn Buddha's truth if he could not read the sutras. The youth
replied that the nature of Buddha does not depend on words and letters
so what need was there to read texts? Amazed at his insight, she
suggested he take up monastic life. At this point he declined, but
went on to train under a meditation master.
After three years of meditating in a mountain cave, Huineng went to
Dongshan (East Mountain) monastery in Hubei, where he met Master
Hongren, the "Fifth Patriarch." Glaring at this supplicant, Hongren
asked where he was from and why he was there. Huineng answered simply
that he was from the south and had come to learn the dharma (Buddhist
doctrine) from him. Hongren retorted that as a southerner, Huineng was
a mere "barbarian," adding, "How could you become Buddha?" Unfazed by
the insult, Huineng replied, "Although my 'barbarian' body and yours
differ, what difference is there in our buddha-nature?" Realizing at
once the potential of this coarse youth, Hongren resolved to test him
further. He took him in but assigned him to the threshing room, where
he labored for nine months, treading the mill to separate the rice
grains from their husks.
The most famous incident in Huineng's story concerns a dharma contest.
One day Hongren challenged his charges to each write a verse (gatha)
distilling their understanding of their "original natures." He
promised to read them and award his robe (a symbol of dharma
transmission; some versions of the story include Hongren's begging
bowl) and the title "Sixth Patriarch" to the student demonstrating
true realization. The task quickly devolved onto the shoulders of the
head monk, Shenxiu, who, it was assumed, would be the Master's likely
successor. Shenxiu, however, was full of doubt and spent a tortured
night considering his options. Finally he stole out and wrote his
verse anonymously on the wall of the new dharma hall:
The body is the bodhi tree.
The heart-mind is like a mirror.
Moment by moment wipe and polish it,
Not allowing dust to collect. (section 6)
A straightforward articulation of the necessity of diligent practice,
Shenxiu hoped this verse would show the Master that his students had
at least some understanding.
The next morning Hongren read the verse and praised it before the
community. He burned incense before it and ordered them all to recite
it before calling Shenxiu for an interview. In private he commended
Shenxiu for his insight, stating that the verse showed he had reached
the "gates of wisdom" but had yet to enter. He then suggested Shenxiu
take a few more days to compose another verse worthy of being awarded
the robe.
Meanwhile, Huineng was still working in the threshing room when a
novice wandered by reciting Shenxiu's verse. Immediately Huineng
realized the author of the verse lacked full understanding. Venturing
out to the dharma hall, he got someone to write his reply:
Bodhi originally has no tree.
The clear and bright mirror also has no support.
Buddha-nature is constantly purifying and clearing.
Where could there be dust? (section 8)
Very soon word of this new verse spread and eventually the news
reached Hongren. The Master came to read it and immediately recognized
it as the work of Huineng and that this unknown prodigy was truly
enlightened. However, he knew that passing his robe to an uncouth
peasant would upset the monastic hierarchy. Therefore he publicly
dismissed it as "not complete understanding." Later, under cover of
darkness, Hongren summoned Huineng for a secret audience in which he
gave him further teachings. Passing on his robe, the Master admonished
him to flee for his life, predicting, however, that eventually he
would transmit the teachings. With that, Huineng fled south. After
some months, Huineng was traced to a mountain by a band of pursuers
intent on killing him and stealing the robe. Most of the pursuers
turned back after climbing only halfway but one, Huiming (a former
general) reached him on the summit. There, rather than slay the young
master, he received the teaching and became enlightened. Thus being
recognized as a true Chan Master, Huineng dispatched his new disciple
to the north to spread the dharma and convert the populace.
One of the most colorful episodes in Huineng lore concerns his
confrontation with a dragon that lived in a pond in front of Baolin
temple. The dragon was particularly large and fierce, emerging
regularly from the watery depths to create havoc and instill fear in
the populace. Fearlessly, the Master taunted the beast for its
weakness at only being unable to appear in a large as opposed to
smaller form. At once the dragon disappeared only to re-emerge in
small form and so show the monk his powers. Unimpressed, the Master
challenged the monster to show its courage by entering his bowl. When
it did so, the Master quickly scooped the dragon up, took him into the
Buddha Hall, and preached dharma to it until it shed its body and
departed.
Much as with other great religious figures, so the stories of
Huineng's death are particularly dramatic. The Platform Sutra gives a
confused account that may combine several different versions. In
essence, however, it records that as he neared his death, the Master
called his disciples for a final teaching in the form of a "dharma
verse." All the disciples broke into tears over the imminent departure
of their beloved teacher except for one, Shenhui, whom the Master
praised for having attained the status of awakening. Chiding the
others for the foolishness of their tears, Huineng told them, "All of
you sit down. I shall give you a verse, the verse of the true-false
moving-quiet. All of you recite it, and if you understand the meaning,
you will be the same as I. If you practice with it, you will not lose
the essence of the teaching." (section 48) After this final lesson
(during which he outlined the Chan lineage back to the Buddha) Huineng
died at the stroke of midnight on August 28, 713. Other traditions,
however, have Huineng dying in deep meditation after finishing his
last meal. His passing was marked by all manner of cosmic signs: a
strange perfume pervading the temple for days, mysterious bright
lights, a miraculous rainbow in the sky etc. The Platform Sutra says,
"Mountains crumbled, the earth trembled, and the forest trees turned
white. The sun and moon ceased to shine and the wind and clouds lost
their colors." (section 54) An inscription by the poet Wang Wei (d.
759) adds "the birds and monkeys cried in anguish."
Several posthumous stories of Huineng attest to the powerful spell he
cast on later generations. Some decades after his passing the emperor
sent an envoy to ask for his robe and bowl so that the court might pay
them homage. These were sent back with great ceremony a few years
later by the succeeding emperor, who purportedly dreamt Huineng asked
that they be returned. Later, in 816, Huineng was awarded the official
title "Dhyana Master Dajian" (Great Mirror). To this day there is a
mummy reputed to be Huineng in the Nanhua monastery located in Caoxi.
For centuries it was the focus of intense devotion, and at times was
brought to the nearby city of Shanzhou to promote prosperity or ward
off plagues and droughts. The mummy was also threatened several times
and at least one time was nearly decapitated by rival monks seeking to
gain power through possession of the Sixth Patriarch's head.
3. Historical Issues and Mythic Elements
Historical complexities aside, however, it is the mythic dimensions of
Huineng's story that most excite the imagination. Certainly the
traditional account is replete with symbolism and allusion. As a boy
Huineng is the quintessential simpleton (cf. the Daoist notion of pu,
"simplicity" or "the uncarved block" spoken of in Daode jing 15, 19,
28, 32, 37, 57), an illiterate peasant who, pure and unspoiled by the
sophistication of his more educated fellows, serves as the perfect
vessel for receiving the sacred wisdom that, in turn, flows through
him to posterity. Aside from the allusions to Daode jing just noted,
Huineng epitomizes the ideal found in Daode jing 70, "The sage goes
about with a coarse cloth on top yet carries jade in his bosom." We
find similar themes in stories of other Buddhist figures (for example,
Dao'an, 312-385) as well as the Prophet Muhammad. The tradition of
Huineng's being orphaned and cared for by his mother echoes the
biography of Mencius (ca. 385-312 BCE), one of the most revered and
mystical of Confucian sages.
Huineng's potential is recognized by the truly wise (for example,
Hongren) but he must first be tested to prove his worth. His
assignment to hard labor for nine months in seclusion suggests a type
of spiritual gestation. Moreover, Huineng's attaining official
recognition under cover of darkness, symbolized in the passing on of
Bodhidharma's robe and bowl (sacred relics imbued with the Patriarch's
charisma), underscores the drama of this moment and the immense value
of his precious wisdom. The tradition that these were buried with him
indicates something else of importance: Huineng's successors would no
longer rely on India; Chan would henceforth be a homegrown Chinese
tradition. Huineng's turning down the imperial summons recalls the
similar story involving Zhuangzi wherein the Daoist sage prefers to
live as a turtle, "dragging his tail in the mud" (Zhuangzi, chapter
17). Finally, the accounts of Huineng's death clearly echo the earthly
passing (parinirvana) of Sakyamuni Buddha. Symbolically, Chan
tradition, by drawing such a wide assortment of sacred figures into
Huineng's own story, has effectively absorbed these holy personages'
collective mana. As such, Chan is then empowered to project this "new"
sacred aura down through its own lineage.
We can also understand the traditional story of Huineng's life as an
example of the apparently universal "Hero Myth." He starts off as an
unpromising youth living in obscurity who embarks on a great quest.
Along the way he is aided by various helpers (the anonymous man who
recited the Diamond Sutra, the nun devoted to the Nirvana Sutra, his
first meditation teacher). After various adventures he meets a true
mentor, the Wise Old Man (Hongren), who recognizes his worth and
proceeds to train and test him until he is ready. Then the Wise Old
Man passes on the secret knowledge he will need to face all obstacles.
The climactic story of Huineng's flight, pursuit, confrontation on
mountain top, and his victory all fit in broad outline the structure
of such tales the world over. His encounter with the dragon, of
course, is the stereotypical battle with the monster (cf. St. George
and the Dragon, Beowulf and Grendel) through which the Hero saves
society from the threat of evil and chaos, while his refusal of
imperial status demonstrates his humility and desire to avoid
self-glorification. In this light, the master's death marks his
apotheosis and rise to divine status, for which he is revered by later
generations.
When assessing the life of Huineng and his place in Chan lore, it is
vital to bear in mind the centrality of lineage in Chinese culture.
Lineage is a primary marker of group identity and solidarity, as well
as social recognition. Chan, like other Chinese
religious/philosophical traditions, is organized as a system of
lineages in which teachings are passed down from Master (Patriarch) to
disciple, much as family heritage passes down from father to son. The
concern for lineage is most evident in sections 49-51 of the Platform
Sutra, where Huineng traces the transmission of his teachings back
through various masters to Bodhidharma. In Huineng's Chan genealogy,
Bodhidharma, in turn, received the teachings via a series of Indian
masters going back to Sakyamuni. Such an impressive pedigree no doubt
brought much prestige to those within the Chan line. The importance of
lineage continued through the succeeding generations and was carried
over when Chan went to Japan. To this day, Chan teachers trace their
lineage back to Huineng. Essentially, Huineng has become the Primary
Ancestor of the Chan line, receiving the reverence and devotion
typical of ancestral cults throughout East Asia. Metaphorically
speaking, Huineng is Chan, and remains so even today.
Such critical analysis of the Platform Sutra and the body of lore
surrounding Huineng is not intended to dismiss Chan tradition
(particularly in regards to the matter of lineage) as fraudulent.
Rather, it helps us understand the concerns of early Chan and the
vital role that a charismatic hero such as Huineng plays in
rhetorically establishing a distinctive Chan identity. For an analogy
we can look to the way in which the great Song scholar Zhu Xi
(1130-1200) constructs a lineage for his school of Neo-Confucianism,
with Confucius taking the place of Huineng and Master Zhu serving as
the Confucian version of Shenhui.
4. Central Teachings
Although Huineng's mythic biography is fascinating, the Platform Sutra
mainly consists of an extended series of dharma talks offering what is
at times some rather cryptic advice on Chan cultivation. Like most
sermons, the Sutra is not a systematic presentation of defined
doctrines and arguments but is an address to the faithful, exhorting
them to see into their "original nature" and awaken here and now.
Huineng explicitly says that his teachings do not originate with him
but are, "handed down from the sages of the past" (section 12).
Nonetheless, Huineng does introduce several important ideas and
initiates the peculiar style of teaching that comes to be enshrined in
later Chan tradition. These teachings tend to overlap and interlock
with each other, thereby suggesting the unity-cum-diversity that is
one of the hallmarks of Chan thought.
a. Major Themes
1. Original/Inherent Enlightenment (ben jue)
The teaching of "inherent" or "original" enlightenment is a major
theme in Huineng's sermon, and the theoretical basis for most of what
he says regarding practice. Its roots go back to Indian teachings
concerning the tathagata-garbha ("womb/embryo of Buddha"). Although a
complex notion, essentially this teaching comes down to a positive
articulation of basic Buddhist views on emptiness (shunyata) and the
thoroughly interrelated nature of existence. According to
tathagata-garbha teachings, although all beings are mired in ignorance
and suffering, our true natures are always pure and luminous –
defilements are merely adventitious. Awakening occurs when we pierce
through the defilements and allow our original purity to shine forth.
While at first glance, the assertion of a seemingly permanent "nature"
would seem to contradict the fundamental Buddhist doctrine of anatman
("no [permanent] self"), in fact it does not. The tathagata-garbha is
not a substantive essence but an indication of the innate positive
tendency towards awakening that is always directly at hand.
Tathagata-garbha teachings had strong appeal for the Chinese, most
likely due to their resonance with Confucian ideas of "propriety" (yi,
the appropriate manner of acting in a given situation) and humanity's
innate "goodness," as well as Daoist views of the Way (dao), in which
each thing uniquely contributes to the all-encompassing system of the
cosmos. These notions also dovetail with the traditional Chinese
concern with one's "nature" (xing, the inborn organic pattern guiding
a thing's development). Together such ideas sketch out a distinctive
worldview of dynamic, interactive relationships that unfold in the
natural course of things. In this perspective, one can obstruct one's
inherent tendencies or open conscientiously into a more free and
responsive way of engagement. In general, the latter is the truer,
more proper (or "natural") way of being. Chinese Buddhists speak of
this potential for realization as one's "Buddha-nature" (fo xing). For
Chinese Buddhists, awakening is the natural result of activating or
"seeing into" this innate but hidden potential and manifesting it here
and now.
Nearly everything Huineng says is predicated on the "Buddha-nature."
We see this clearly in his youthful exchanges with both the nameless
Buddhist nun and Master Hongren. Huineng drives this point home in a
number of places, often quite explicitly. As he proclaims, "Since
Buddha is made by your own nature, do not look for him outside your
body. If you are deluded in your own nature, Buddha is then a sentient
being; if you are awakened in your own natures, sentient beings are
then Buddhas." (section 35) In this understanding of Buddhahood, one
may have an initial awakening (Japanese satori) but this is only a
hurried glimpse, yet it provides a vague understanding that spurs one
on further – something we clearly see in Huineng's own life with his
first awakening at hearing a passage from the Diamond Sutra.
By rhetorically taking his stand on this inherent enlightenment,
Huineng challenges his audience to understand this truth and realize
their original natures where they are at this very moment. This is
something they can and must do: "Despite heterodox views, passions,
ignorance, and delusions, in your own physical bodies you have in
yourselves the attributes of inherent enlightenment, so that with
correct views you can be saved." (section 21) It is on this basis that
he speaks of such things as the unity of meditation (dhyana) and
wisdom (prajna), and the "samadhi of oneness. By realizing one's
"Buddha-nature" one naturally moves beyond habitual "selfish" actions
and joining with things in an appropriate and compassionate way.
2. Non-duality
Another important theme that Huineng preaches concerns the
fundamentally "non-dual" nature of existence. This, too, is prone to
be misunderstood. Huineng never espouses a mushy notion that "All is
One" so much as challenge the assumption that a person stands apart
from her/his immediate situation. His target is the self-conscious
sense of separation that tends to arise out of deliberative thinking
and living. Thus, his focus is not so much theoretical as practical;
one must not get caught up in speculative thought but realize (make
real) Buddha, one's true nature, and act accordingly. This fundamental
unity comes through in his famous dharma verse through which he won
Hongren's robe. By countering Shenxiu's verse and its assumptions of
duality, Huineng graphically tells us that we must not think of our
minds as something distinct that "we" must polish to reflect truth.
Rather, we are truth, immediately and directly.
The vision Huineng seeks to impart is one of integrity within our
larger context. It is an evocation of wholeness, interrelatedness and
participation rather than separation and distinction. One of Huineng's
most provocative presentations of this idea comes in his discussion of
meditation. For Huineng, meditation is not a separate "thing" from
wisdom, nor do you attain the latter by way of the former. As he says,
"Never under any circumstances say mistakenly that meditation and
wisdom are different; they are a unity, not two things. Meditation
itself is the substance of wisdom; wisdom itself is the function of
meditation" (section 13). Later, the Patriarch explains their
relationship through the analogy of a lamp and its light: just as the
lamp and its illuminating are essentially one, so meditation and
wisdom are one.
Huineng also challenges assumptions of separation by advocating the
"samadhi of oneness," or concentrated attention to the present
situation: "The samadhi of oneness is straightforward mind at all
times, walking, staying, sitting, and lying." This constitutes an
intriguing practice of mindful, meditative action performed with
attentive detachment. There are obvious echoes between this practice
and the Daoist notion of wei wuwei ("acting without acting") as well
as path of karma yoga outlined by Krishna in the Bhagavad-Gita, and
Chan communities to this day seek to instill such an approach to life
throughout their daily regimen.
This fundamental unity of existence that one manifests by realizing
one's "Buddha-nature" also informs Huineng's view of the Pure Land
(the "Western Paradise") which, following the Vimalakirti Sutra (where
the Buddha shows his disciples that this world is the Pure Land for
those with Pure Mind), he refuses to allow us to conceive the Pure
Land as something separate from our current existence. It is, rather,
the straightforward mind of the "samadhi of oneness." In attaining
this state of true purity, one finds no obstructions. Or, as Huineng
puts it, "If inside and outside are clear, this will be no different
from the Western Land" (section 35).
3. No-thought (wu nian)
Huineng speaks from the standpoint of Ultimate Truth (the inherent
"Buddha-nature") the non-dual reality lying beyond our everyday
unenlightened experience of separation and division. To awaken to this
Truth, Huineng emphasizes "non-clinging" to any verbal teachings,
which only present obstacles to True Awakening. Instead, Huineng
stresses the perspective of "no-thought" (wu nian), an open,
non-conceptual state of mind that allows one to experience reality
directly, as it truly is. As he states, "No thought is not to think
even when involved in thought. . . To be unstained in all environments
is called no-thought. If on the basis of your own thoughts you
separate from environment, then, in regard to things, thoughts are not
produced. If you stop thinking of the myriad things, and cast aside
all thoughts, as soon as one instant of thought is cut off, you will
be reborn in another realm." (section 13)
Note that Huineng explicitly says "no-thought" is not a state of
insentiency, nor is it a way of valorizing irrational, "thoughtless"
behavior. Rather, "no-thought" is a highly attentive yet unentangled
way of being — seemingly the only genuine freedom available. Those who
act from the perspective of "no-thought" respond compassionately in
all situations, untouched by suffering, much the same way the Mahayana
scriptures speak of bodhisattvas (enlightened beings who selflessly
seek to aid others) who "course in the Perfection of Wisdom."
4. Sudden Awakening (dun wu)
Few ideas are so closely associated with Huineng's Chan than "sudden
awakening" (dun wu). Rooted in earlier Buddhist and Daoist teachings,
it primarily referred to statements of truth a sage made in
relationship to specific audiences. Those that were direct and
profound were given to those ready for such a "sudden" dose of reality
whereas those that were more indirect and metaphorical were provided
for those who needed to be led "gradually." The difference, thus, lies
in those who receive the teachings rather than the actual content of
the teachings. Some are, as it were, closer to their "Buddha-nature."
According to later Chan tradition, Huineng advocated the (superior)
way of "sudden awakening" in contrast to Shenxiu, whose dharma verse
clearly points to the (inferior) way of "gradual awakening."
This polemical distinction, however, does not capture Huineng's full
meaning. The term dun, typically translated as "sudden," might better
be rendered as "poised" or "ready" for some great undertaking Those
who experience such "sudden awakening" are those who are "keen" and
"fast," ready to awaken in action, poised to break through to fuller,
wise and compassionate living. By contrast, those who are "dull" are
"slow," not quite as prepared or attentive to respond in so wise a
fashion. Equally as important, moreover, is Huineng's insistence that
from the standpoint of the "Buddha-nature," there is no "sudden" or
"gradual." Thus he notes, "The dharma itself is the same, but in
seeing it there is a slow way and a fast way. Seen slowly, it is the
gradual; seen fast it is the sudden [teaching]. Dharma is without
sudden or gradual, but some people are keen and others dull; hence the
names 'sudden' and 'gradual.'" (section 39)
5. The Centrality of Practice
In many respects the necessity of practice may be the single most
important refrain in Huineng's sermons. Huineng repeatedly emphasizes
that Chan life, awakening, is not attained through study or careful
deliberation but live action. One of the best instances comes
immediately after he explains what seated meditation (zuochan;
Japanese zazen) is: "Good friends, see for yourselves the purity of
your own natures, practice and accomplish for yourselves. Your own
nature is the Dharmakaya ["Body of the Teaching," the Ultimate Truth]
and self-practice is the practice of Buddha; by self-accomplishment
you may achieve the Buddha Way for yourselves." (section 19)
To achieve Buddhahood one must be Buddha, that which, paradoxically,
one always already is. Such awakened living cannot be adequately
explained through words so much as demonstrated and acted upon. In
this sense, one learns it directly by conforming to an already
established pattern, internalizing it, and then acting this out in any
given situation. An analogy might be learning to play a musical
instrument or another activity such as riding a bicycle. Chan practice
is Chan doing, something that can only be learned through careful
imitation of a living example – one's Master. It is this type of
first-hand learning to which Bodhidharma refers in his famous verse:
"A special transmission outside the scriptures; not dependent on words
and letters."
Ironically, despite his constant injunctions to wise action, Huineng
provides little detail on the specifics of practice. As a result,
scholars are unsure what sorts of actual practices were taught in
early Chan communities. This silence on specifics, however, turned out
to be a point in Huineng's favor, as his injunctions could readily be
applied to a wide variety of Chan styles through the ages.
b. Teaching Style
Huineng's presentation in the Platform Sutra pioneered Chan's distinct
teaching style that makes use of paradox and cryptic statements aimed
at jolting students out of their habitual discursive reasoning. By no
means, of course, is Huineng the inventor of such discourse (it is
very common in Buddhist and Daoist texts) but in the Platform Sutra
Huineng uses it with uncanny skill. As such, it warrants close
examination.
One of the most significant features of Huineng's discourse is its
overwhelmingly dialogical character. Although it has its share of
lectures, this "sermon" is more often a series of exchanges between
Huineng and various interlocutors. Such a literary form calls for one
to shift perspective back and forth. Like normal conversation, so a
dialogue also tends to lead one beyond the immediate horizon, inviting
listeners (and readers) to come along. Dialogue is a common form in
Western philosophy (most notably in Plato's dialogues) yet there is
also ample precedent in both Buddhist and Chinese literature. The
Perfection of Wisdom Sutras, the primary scriptures of Mahayana
Buddhism, are all extended dialogues between the Buddha and his
disciples, while most of the Analects and the Zhuangzi are dialogues
as well. The dialogue is a powerful rhetorical form, dramatic and
challenging, one that demands a response from its audience.
One of the more common rhetorical forms in Buddhism is paradox, and
Huineng certainly makes use of this in his teaching. Thus, for
instance, he admonishes his students, "Do not depart from deceptions
and errors; for they of themselves are the nature of True Reality"
(section 27). Later when on the point of death, he takes his closest
disciples to task for their ignorance by saying, "All of you sit down.
I shall give you a verse, the verse of the true-false moving-quiet."
(section 48) There is something very tricky in such sayings, as they
are seemingly contradictory if not absurd. The point of a paradox, of
course, is that such absurdity is only apparent for the paradox masks
a higher truth that we must divine ourselves. As such, paradox is a
highly suggestive form of rhetoric, one that presents us with a basic
tension, leaving it for us to resolve.
Huineng also engages in a great deal of polemics in the Platform
Sutra. For example, he continually contrasts the "wise" with the
"deluded." He also draws a sharp contrast between his teachings and
those of the "Northern school" (secs. 37, 39, 48-49), criticizes a
student whose "practice" consists of only reciting the Lotus Sutra
(sec. 42), and even converts a "spy" who seems to have come to
discredit him (secs. 40-41). While a polemical style may have negative
connotations it also serves several rhetorical purposes. To begin, it
sets the Master and his audience apart from others, thereby
emphasizing that this teaching is different or special. It also
underscores the challenging nature of the teaching, and no doubt
directly counters various preconceived ideas in the audience. Indeed,
it may even put his disciples and audience on the defensive, thus
setting them up psychologically for a deeper breakthrough.
All in all, Huineng's teaching style is quite challenging. At times it
is highly provocative, even maddening. He does not lay his subjects
out neatly so that his audience can absorb what he says with ease but
jars his listeners to elicit a reaction from them. His words, thus,
are inherently unstable and elusive, pouring forth quixotically. They
resist final definition and closure, similar to Zhuangzi's "goblet
words" (zhi yan, cf. Zhuangzi chapter 27) or what the fifth century
Buddhist thinker Sengzhao terms "wild words" (kuan yan, cf. his essay
"Panruo Wuzhi"). Such stylistic considerations, in the end, suggest
that the ultimate message of Huineng's sermon may not be so much what
he says as how he says it and how we take up his words in our
response.
5. Influences
As noted above, Huineng himself claims that nothing in his teachings
originates with him, much as Confucius does in Analects 15.28.
Clearly, what he iterates in the Platform Sutra derives from earlier
works and there are many times when he makes explicit references to
other texts, notably the Diamond, Vimalakirti, and Lotus Sutras. In
addition, we should also mention the Nirvana Sutra, a text promoting
the universality of the "Buddha-nature" that had a profound influence
on Chinese Buddhism as a whole. The influences, however, go far beyond
this short list. Huineng demonstrates knowledge of the great body of
Prajna-paramita (Perfection of Wisdom) literature (of which the
Diamond Sutra is one rather late example), as well as the techniques
of the Madhyamika school – notably in the negation of set positions,
dialectic play between "conventional" and "Ultimate" truth, and the
constant challenge to any attempts at a final articulation of Buddhist
truth. In addition, at certain points he reveals a basic familiarity
with Pure Land doctrine (sec. 35) and some rather technical aspects of
Abhidharma and Yogacara philosophy (sec. 45)
Moreover, Huineng's teachings and style of presentation also owe a
great deal to indigenous Chinese sources. This is most obvious when it
comes to Daoism, as Huineng's character and actions so often epitomize
teachings found in both the Daode jing and the Zhuangzi. As for
Confucian tradition, Huineng makes an obvious bow to Confucius in
presenting himself as a transmitter, while his adherence to the
positive power of "Buddha nature" owes at least something to the
Mencian idea of "inherent goodness" of human nature, a perennial theme
in Chinese philosophy that finds one of its most popular articulations
in the Zhongyong ("Doctrine of the Mean"). Other scholars have even
suggested that portions of the Platform Sutra may have been compiled
under the influence of the Yijing.
The fact that Huineng quotes passages from such a large body of works
and that scholars can so-easily discern other literary influences and
allusions constitutes further proof that the tradition of Huineng's
illiteracy should not be taken literally. In the Platform Sutra
Huineng proves rather erudite, if not bookish. His familiarity with so
much of his Buddhist and Chinese heritage challenges stereotypes of
Chan as denigrating and even ignoring written texts. Indeed, scholars
of Buddhism often point out the ironic fact that Chan, so often known
for its dismissal of texts, has the largest body of written work of
any East Asian Buddhist tradition. Furthermore, many great Chan
masters (for example, Dogen, 1200-1253) were brilliant scholars and
original thinkers. This paradoxical aspect of Chan, rather than being
the product of centuries of institutionalization as some might claim,
seems to have been there from the very beginning.
6. Critical Issues
Although the Platform Sutra is most unusual for a "philosophical"
text, both in terms of style and content it raises a number of issues
that are of particular philosophic import.
A. The Role of Reason and Rationality
Chan has a reputation for irrationality, allegedly insisting that
practitioners cut off thinking entirely. There is some basis for such
views, and in Chan history we do find examples where this seems to
have been encouraged, as, for example, in the case of the Baotang
school of Chan that developed in Sichuan during eighth century.
Huineng and most Chan masters, however, do not advocate a disorderly
or irrational lifestyle. Their concern, instead, seems to be on the
predominance of ratio (deliberative, analytic thinking) and the
discursive reasoning that severs aspects of reality into discrete
bits, usually from an egocentric standpoint. From a Chan perspective,
this mode of understanding is the result of a highly artificial
process that cuts one off from full participation in one's immediate
context and inevitably leads to suffering. Such an approach cannot be
countered with rational, objective arguments because such reasoning is
itself a product of such a mode of understanding. By breaking the grip
of such processes on humanity, Huineng and his later followers seek to
free us for a fuller, more natural life, and hence a truer life.
Much of the difficulty surrounding this subject stems from Chan's
distinctive rhetorical style, of which Huineng is a true master. In
particular the notion of "no-thought" seems to suggest a sort of
mindless, purely instinctual response or perhaps even unconsciousness.
Certainly, "no-thought" is not rational in the sense of bare
objectivity. In fact, as we have seen, "no-thought" is not this at all
but more like an attitude of carefully attentiveness to the situation
at hand. If "no-thought" is lacking in anything it would be the
self-consciousness that typically arises out of the dualism inherent
in subject-object thinking. Most assuredly "no-thought" should not be
equated with becoming insentient, that is, an "object" among others.
Is there a place for reason in all this? Not in the ordinary sense.
However, Chan would seem to be less "irrational" than "a rational,"
although such labels themselves are designations arising within
discursive reasoning. In the end, it may be helpful to view Huineng as
espousing a type of "philosophy as propaganda," much like Nagarjuna or
the later Wittgenstein. The aim is not to argue but to change one's
way of thinking in favor of a more immediate and direct way of being.
B. Sudden vs. Gradual?
Much has been made of this notion in Chan scholarship and, indeed,
Chan tradition often presents the as a conflict of "Northern Chan
Gradualism" and "Southern Chan Subitism" – an alleged conflict from
which the latter emerged victorious. In reality it is not really so
simple, but the contrast points to an instable dynamic that lies at
the heart of Buddhism and perhaps all spiritual practice. If "sudden
awakening" refers to an instantaneous experience of enlightenment at
which point nothing more needs to be done, then why did someone like
Huineng continue to sit in meditation through his later years and
exhort his students to do the same even after his death (section 53)?
In fact, what Huineng says about the contrast between "sudden" and
"gradual" is anything but clear: "Good friends, in the dharma there is
no sudden or gradual, but among people some are keen and others dull.
The deluded recommend the gradual method, the enlightened practice the
sudden teaching. . . Once enlightened, there is from the outset no
distinction between these two methods; those who are not enlightened
with for long kalpas be caught in the cycle of transmigration"
(section 16). In part it appears that the distinction between "sudden"
and "gradual" is a provisional one made from the unawakened standpoint
that applies to Chan practitioners rather than the actual event of
awakening itself. Yet can one move from delusion to enlightenment,
from gradual to sudden? It also seems that the difference between
"sudden" and "gradual" cannot refer to a temporal distinction, for
even a "sudden awakening" certainly cannot be attained easily or
without much practice; Huineng had several "sudden awakenings" but
devoted himself to a lifetime of Chan practice.
Later Chan thinkers such as Zongmi (a.k.a. Guifeng, 780-841) were
deeply concerned about these notions and sought to clarify them by
speaking of "sudden awakening followed by gradual cultivation." While
intriguing, such a solution essentially erases any ultimate meaning to
the sudden/gradual distinction. It also implies that claims to "sudden
awakening" by Huineng and his followers line were rhetorical rather
than genuine.
C. The Role of Text (wen) in Life
The reputation of Chan as eschewing textual study has long been a
source of controversy and great appeal. We can see this even in the
"Chan motto" attributed to Bodhidharma in which the dharma is said to
be a "separate transmission outside the scriptures, not relying on
words and letters." There can be no arguing that Chan presents a basic
distrust of scholasticism that seems to have characterized the Chinese
doctrinal schools such as Tiantai and Huayan. But does this mean that
texts have no place? This would hardly seem to be warranted given what
we find in the Platform Sutra. In the autobiographical portions of the
Sutra Huineng has his initial awakening from hearing a text (the
Diamond Sutra), demonstrates his worth through his own "dharma verse,"
and received official dharma transmission through verbal teachings
from Hongren. Moreover, Huineng's sermon is full of instances in which
he unfolds the various meanings in a number of Buddhist texts. In
addition, there are several passages in which Huineng draws attention
to the text of his sermon itself, stating "If others are able to
encounter the Platform Sutra, it will be as if they received the
teaching personally from me" (section 47). The text goes on to note
that Huineng's closest disciples received his teaching, made copies of
the Platform Sutra and entrusted them to later generations, all of
whom were led through it to see into their own true natures.
An important clue for our understanding can be found when Huineng is
preparing to give his "death verse." Before launching into his final
teaching he tells his disciples, "if you understand its meaning, you
will be the same as I" (section 48). Like Sakyamuni before his
passing, Huineng promises that that the master will remain with his
students in the form of his teachings. These teachings, compiled in
textual form, will have the power to lead hearers and readers to
realization of their True natures once they grasp the teachings' true
import. In this reading, the Master's role is open up the teachings
via his own words (or actions) and so manifest their meaning; the
crucial point is that these are transmitted by the Master and taken up
by the students – a process that can only happen "outside the
scriptures" themselves. There is an interesting parallel here to the
view of the Neo-Confucian master Zhu Xi, who, in outlining the regimen
of study for his disciples, emphasizes the importance of texts as a
coming into the very presence of the Sages themselves.
The conclusion seems to be that Huineng does not denigrate texts per
se, for they were instrumental in his own awakening and play a central
role in his sermons. Instead, he (and later Chan tradition) attacks
the tendency to treat them objectively, as material to be mastered
rather than dharma gates leading to awakening. Ego, cutting off from
full involvement in the world. Taking texts truly as "scripture,"
however, is another matter. The words of dharma are Buddha in that
they allow us to perceive truth. In this view, then, those passages in
the Platform Sutra calling attention to the text itself emphasize its
way of connecting one with Huineng's wisdom offered for our awakening.
What we see then is that through Huineng, Chan celebrates the
centrality of text, but as "live word" internalized and acted upon
rather than mere marks on the page. Such an existential engagement,
however, is not typically found in the modern study of philosophy and
so raises questions about what "philosophy" may actually be.
D. The Relation of Action (praxis) and Knowledge (theoria)
The centrality of practice is a major refrain in Huineng's discourse.
Despite his often-cryptic comments, the Master shares the decidedly
practical focus that runs through much of Chinese philosophic culture.
Time and time again, Huineng exhorts us to a life of Chan action and
practice, a life of Buddhahood, rather than quietistic withdrawal.
Although clearly there is some sort of "theory" informing Huineng (a
sinified version of tathagatha-garbha teachings), this never takes
precedence over practical application. In fact, Huineng (and Chan in
general) refuses to distinguish between these two concepts, arguing
essentially that true knowing is practical action. Thus, from this
perspective nothing can be "true in theory" if it is not borne out in
practice.
The priority of praxis is underscored by the fact that Chan is often
regarded first and foremost as a "practice school." In contrast to the
doctrinal concerns of the Tiantai and Huayan, Chan emphasizes
practices such as "no-thought" while maintaining that getting tangled
up in mistaken ideas inevitably leads one astray. Since we are already
Buddha, we must realize this through Buddha living. Only then are we
awakened to the truth of our original (Buddha) nature.
There are some interesting analogies to Huineng's perspective that
provide much food for thought. Socrates, for example, famously argues
that "to know the good is to do the good," implying that true
understanding is always attested in actual life. In a different vein,
there is also Martin Heidegger's existential analysis of dasein in
which he focuses on our unreflective "being-in-the-world" as
demonstrating a prior unthematized Understanding, that is, our actual
(as opposed to theoretical) knowledge of things. Perhaps the most
obvious analogy, however, can be found in the work of Wang Yangming
(Wang Shouren, 1472-1529). Among his teachings, Wang maintained that
knowing and acting formed an essential original unity that people
often separate through their own selfish desires. In fact, Wang
explained to one of his greatest disciples, "There have never been
people who know but do not act. Those who are supposed to know but do
not act simply do not know."
E. The Centrality of Ritual (Li)
This matter has received little attention until recently but is an
outgrowth of the general Chinese focus on practice. We have already
seen that in the Platform Sutra Huineng constantly preaches to his
charges to act upon his teachings, putting them into practice. This
preaching, of course, is itself a type of Chan practice and, in fact,
occurs within a ritual context and in a temple setting. Giving and
listening to a "dharma talk" are both highly ritualized activities
that follow their own specified rules. Furthermore, Huineng repeatedly
enjoins his followers to chant certain vows aloud and to take various
types of precepts. Thus the entire discourse is pervaded by a strong
sense of ritual, or li. There is a strong, albeit implicit message
here that Huineng is calling for participation in specific activities
from all those in his audience, that is, all who hear or read the
Platform Sutra.
Adherence to li, of course, has been a primary focus of Chinese
culture from the very earliest times, and philosophical discussion of
li plays a central role in Chinese thought since at least the time of
Confucius. Moreover, li by their very nature are a form of highly
regulated activity that require repeated engagement to learn. One
learns the li by doing the li. Huineng and the text of the Platform
Sutra thus underscore the highly ritualized nature of Chan life, a
fact that several scholars have noted and which provides yet another
strong contrast to popular (mis)understandings of Chan. Rather than
being an incitement to egocentric spontaneity (which would result in
utter chaos, and hence more delusion and suffering), the "sudden
awakening" espoused by Huineng can only occur within a ritual context
in which all parties are actively engaged. Those involved are not
"doing their own thing" but participating in a shared activity in
which all energies are marshaled in concert. It is just for this
reason that Huineng stresses the "samadhi of oneness" and Chan
monastic training involves meditation training not just during periods
of actual physical sitting but throughout all daily activities.
7. Impact on Later Buddhist and Chinese Philosophical Traditions
Huineng's impact on Chan is without parallel. Not only did he
articulate the major themes that came to dominate Chan discourse and
practice, he provided the model of the ideal Master. By the late
eighth century, two main branches of Chan existed: the "Northern" and
"Southern" schools. Claiming to have studied under Huineng, Shenhui
(684-758) launched an attack on the legitimacy of "Northern" Chan,
which enjoyed imperial patronage during the Tang dynasty (618-907)
under the leadership of Master Shenxiu (ca. 606-706) and his heir,
Puji (651-739). Alleging that his teacher was the true recipient of
dharma transmission and ridiculing the latter's "gradualist" approach
to awakening, Shenhui insisted that Huineng was the real Sixth
Patriarch and claimed the title of Seventh Patriarch for himself.
Shenhui's claims carried the day and by the ninth century, the
"Southern" school with its teaching of "sudden awakening" was accepted
as the official line. Ironically, both the "Northern" and "Southern"
schools eventually died out as direct lineages. It was only later
that, having survived the imperial persecutions of 841-845, other Chan
schools reasserted their connection(s) to Huineng and so enshrined the
tale of unilinear dharma transmission.
The Platform Sutra became wildly popular in China, perhaps because of
its paradoxical "Daoist" air, and numerous copies circulated. The
traditional version, printed some five hundred years after the oldest
version, is almost twice the size of the original due to later
additions and expansions. Huineng's idiosyncratic way of discussing
the sutras, less of a strict exegesis and more a performance of their
message, a practice known as tichang (Japanese teisho) set the
standard for a Chan "dharma talk." Stories of Huineng are scattered
throughout the various gong'an (Japanese koan) collections. Perhaps
the most famous of these allegedly comes from Huineng's confrontation
with Huiming, the fierce former general who came to kill him on the
mountaintop. As the Huiming approached, the Master asked, "Not
thinking of good, not thinking of evil, just at this moment, what is
our original face before your mother and father were born?" Huiming at
once became enlightened. This koan is still one of the first given to
beginning students in Japanese Zen monasteries.
By inaugurating a powerful new approach to the dharma, however,
Huineng had impact far beyond Buddhism and Chan. Philosophically, the
strongest effect was on Neo-Confucianism, a major response of
Confucian tradition to the challenges offered by Buddhism,
particularly Chan. Each of the "Five Great Masters" (Zhou Dunyi, Zhang
Zai, Cheng Yi, Cheng Hao, Zhu Xi) studied Chan at some point in their
youth, and the records of their discussions with students as well as
the anecdotes concerning their lives (collected in such works as
Reflections on Things at Hand) strongly resemble later Chan
collections such as the Wumen guan (The Gateless Gate). Chan influence
on Wang Yangming is so great as to scarcely need comment.
As for Daoism, the most obvious impact Chan had was on the formation
of the Quanzhen ("Complete Perfection") school, a monastic sect that
originated in the twelfth century. The Quanzhen sect shows blatant
Chan influence, from its code of regulations, meditation techniques,
and even the layout of its monastic compounds. The school's founder,
Wang Chongyang (1112-1170), with his cryptic teaching style and
insistence on diligent practice at all times, could even be one of
Huineng's disciples.
The portrait of Huineng emerging from Chan tradition and the Platform
Sutra in particular is quite compelling. The Master is portrayed as
brilliant despite (or because of) his humble beginnings and takes on a
truly heroic stature through his trials and eventual triumph. In his
statements, Huineng comes across as immensely charismatic. He is by
turns insightful, iconoclastic and humorous. Throughout his discourse
he challenges his audience to leave behind intellectual preconceptions
while undercutting all attempts to grasp his meaning by rational
means. Ironically, during this lengthy verbal discourse he proclaims,
"the practice of self-awakening does not lie in verbal arguments."
(section 38) This despite offering long harangues against Chan
practitioners who have "false views." Huineng, thus, is the archetypal
Chan Master, a model for all later Chan practitioners. We can even see
traces of Huineng in the character of Yoda, the great Jedi master from
the Star Wars film series. At one point in Episode V: The Empire
Strikes Back, Yoda famously tells his disciple Luke Skywalker, "Do, or
do not — there is no 'try'!" — a line that could be straight from the
Platform Sutra. Truly, Huineng lives on.
8. References and Further Reading
Dumoulin, Heinrich. Zen Buddhism: A History. Vol. 1, India and China.
New York: Macmillan, 1988.
The first in a nearly exhaustive two-volume treatment of the
history of Chan/Zen Buddhism (the second volume deals exclusively with
Japan). Accessible, detailed, interesting, this is a fine scholarly
overview that both beginners and experts will find useful.
Faure, Bernard. The Rhetoric of Immediacy: A Cultural Critique of
Chan/Zen Buddhism. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995.
Faure, Bernard. The Will to Orthodoxy: A Critical Genealogy of
Northern Chan Buddhism. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997.
Along with Faure's Ch'an Insights and Oversights (1993), these two
works exemplify the detailed, technical studies of Chan/Zen that have
emerged during the past two decades. Faure draws heavily on Postmodern
figures (Foucault, Derrida) in his powerful, wide-ranging yet
insightful critical "unmasking" of traditional understandings of Chan
and Zen.
Hershock, Peter D. Chan Buddhism. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2005.
Part of the "Dimensions of Asian Spirituality" series, this may be
the finest one volume overview of Chan/Zen available in English.
Hershock skillfully steers a "middle way" between critical-historical
scholarship and insight into the spiritual meaning of Chan/Zen
teachings and practice. An admitted practicing Buddhist for over 20
years, Hershock fleshes out his "Zen Bones" with profiles of Huineng
as well as other Chan masters (Bodhidharma, Mazu, and Linji). In the
end he presents Chan/Zen as a vital practice that has the potential to
help us shed our ego boundaries and open ourselves to our fellow human
beings.
Hershock, Peter D. Liberating Intimacy: Enlightenment and Social
Virtuosity in Ch'an Buddhism. Albany: State University of New York
Press, 1996.
Hershock's first book on Chan, presenting a unique and insightful
philosophical take stressing Chan as a tradition of practice in the
world. As the title suggests, Hershock maintains that Chan is a way
towards achieving "liberating intimacy" with other sentient beings. A
masterful refutation of charges that Chan/Zen is mere self-indulgent
"navel gazing" or that it encourages antinomian or immoral behavior.
Jorgenson, John. Inventing Hui-neng, the Sixth Patriarch: Hagiography
and Biography in Early Ch'an. Leiden: E. J. Brill Academic Publishing,
2005.
A recent critical analysis of the Huineng legend and the saga of
Early Chan. The author uses the life of Confucius as the model on
which Huineng's biography is based. Very good at showing the influence
of Confucianism, politics etc. on early Chan. The cover photo of
Huineng's alleged "mummy" alone is startling.
McRae, John R. The Northern School and the Formation of Early Ch'an
Buddhism. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1986.
A major scholarly work drawing heavily on critical Japanese
scholarship. McRae was one of the first to truly take on the
traditional Chan/Zen story of the "Northern" versus "Southern" school.
Price, A.F., and Wong Mou-lam, trans. The Diamond Sutra and the Sutra
of Hui-Neng. Boston: Shambhala Publications, Inc., 1990.
One of the special "Shambhala Dragon Editions" series, this work
presents two of the most important texts in early Chan, and does so
from a Chan perspective. While not scholarly by any means (there are
very few notes), they definitely capture the iconoclastic spirit of
Chan. As if to underscore this, a famous 13th century black ink
painting of Huineng tearing up a sutra graces its cover. Wong's
translation of the Platform Sutra was the first ever done into English
(in the 1930's), and for that reason alone it is significant. It
includes some episodes not in the Dunhuang version translated by
Yampolsky (see below).
Suzuki, Daisetz Teitaro. The Zen Doctrine of No-mind: the Significance
of the Sutra of Hui-Neng (Wei-Lang). York Beach, ME: Weiser Books,
1972.
Originally published in 1969, this is a posthumous work by one of
the foremost (and controversial) popularizers of Zen in the West.
While perhaps marked by a sort of "weisho quality," this book
demonstrates Suzuki's awareness of critical scholarship on Chan/Zen
tradition and a real understanding of many of the issues involved in
Huineng's "biography" and Zen teachings. Although not a roshi himself,
Suzuki was never as much of an "outsider" to the Zen establishment as
some of his critics have made him out to be. His personal experience
with Zen training sharpened Suzuki's insights and his comparisons with
Christianity are thought provoking at the very least.
Yampolsky, Philip B., trans., The Platform Sutra of the Sixth
Patriarch (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967.
Still the definitive English translation, based upon the Dunhuang
manuscript. All quotations in the above are taken from Yampolsky's
translation. Heavily annotated, it includes a lengthy introduction
(over 100 pages), glossary, and a critical edition of the Chinese text
at the very end. A must read for anyone seeking to understand Chan
tradition and its most famous Patriarch.
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